Lebanese Civil War

The Lebanese Civil War was fought from 1975 to 1990 among Lebanese political and religious factions, foreign armies and armed organizations. Lebanon's sectarian political system, deep socioeconomic inequalities and the presence of armed groups outside state control contributed to escalating tensions. Fighting began in Beirut and spread across the country, repeatedly drawing in Syria, Israel and other states.

The conflict was not a single, stable war between two sides. Coalitions divided and re-formed, local militias competed for territory and political power, and external actors intervened at different stages. The PLO established a strong presence in Lebanon after its expulsion from Jordan and fought Israel from Lebanese territory. Syrian forces entered in 1976, Israel invaded in 1978 and 1982, and multinational forces deployed in Beirut during the 1980s.

The Taif Agreement of 1989 provided a framework for ending the war and redistributing political authority. Major fighting ended in 1990 after Syrian forces defeated the remaining opposition to the settlement. The war killed tens of thousands, displaced many more and left deep physical and social scars. Its legacy includes the continued influence of sectarian power-sharing and unresolved questions of accountability and national memory.

Background

Lebanon's political system allocated public offices among religious communities. The president was traditionally a Maronite Christian, the prime minister a Sunni Muslim and the speaker of parliament a Shia Muslim. This arrangement originated in the 1943 National Pact and was based on a population balance that became increasingly disputed as demographics changed. Many Muslims demanded a larger share of power, while Christian parties feared that reforms could undermine their political position.

Economic development was uneven. Beirut was a regional financial and cultural center, but poorer rural areas, especially in the south and north, had limited public services. Sectarian identity often shaped access to jobs, education and political influence. The state's institutions were weak, and the army was divided by communal loyalties and political disputes, limiting its ability to enforce order.

In 1969, the Cairo Agreement gave the PLO authority to operate from parts of Lebanon and conduct raids against Israel. After the PLO's expulsion from Jordan in 1970, its armed presence in Lebanon grew. Israeli forces retaliated against cross-border attacks, while armed groups of the PLO built networks and exercised control in parts of the country. Their presence heightened domestic tensions, particularly among Christian parties and residents in areas affected by fighting.

The 1973 Arab-Israeli War, regional politics and the decline of Lebanese state authority added to pressure. Political leaders mobilized communal militias. The Lebanese Front brought together mainly Christian parties, including the Kataeb Party, while the Lebanese National Movement included leftist and pan-Arab parties and allied with the PLO. These broad alignments concealed divisions within each camp.

Political divide and sectarianism

Political sectarianism shaped the conflict but did not fully explain it. Class, regional identity, ideology, personal rivalries and foreign sponsorship also influenced alliances. Many Lebanese opposed militia rule and sought a stronger national state, while others joined armed groups to protect their communities or pursue political change.

Muslim leaders and the National Movement called for reforms to reduce the advantage enjoyed by Christian parties. Christian leaders argued that the existing compact protected Lebanon's independence and plural society. The arrival of large numbers of armed PLO personnel intensified fears that the balance of power would shift by force. Israeli operations and Syrian intervention then transformed domestic conflict into a regional struggle.

Militias committed massacres and retaliatory killings. Civilians were targeted on the basis of community identity, residence and suspected allegiance. Checkpoints, kidnappings and forced displacement divided mixed neighborhoods. The Green Line through Beirut became a visible symbol of partition, though violence and displacement occurred across the country.

Chronology of decisive events

First phase, 1975–1977

On 13 April 1975, gunmen attacked a church in the Beirut suburb of Ain el-Rummaneh, killing several people. Later that day, Kataeb gunmen attacked a bus carrying civilians, killing many passengers. The incidents triggered cycles of reprisal and fighting between Christian militias and the PLO-aligned National Movement. Clashes spread through Beirut, and the army fractured as soldiers aligned with different factions.

In 1976, Christian forces besieged the Tel al-Zaatar refugee camp in east Beirut. After months of fighting, the camp fell and a massacre followed. The siege and killings became one of the conflict's most notorious atrocities. Syria entered Lebanon that year, initially supporting Christian forces against the National Movement and PLO, then shifting its alliances as regional calculations changed.

The Arab League established the Arab Deterrent Force, with Syrian forces forming its main component. Syria's intervention prevented an immediate victory by the National Movement and PLO, but it also established a long-term Syrian military presence. The first phase ended without a durable political settlement, and armed groups continued to hold territory.

Second phase, 1977–1982

In 1977, the assassination of Druze leader Kamal Jumblatt weakened the National Movement and increased sectarian tension. His son Walid Jumblatt assumed leadership of the Progressive Socialist Party and its militia. Political coalitions shifted as Syrian influence expanded and groups sought external backers.

Israel invaded southern Lebanon in March 1978 after a cross-border attack killed Israeli civilians. The operation, known as Operation Litani, pushed PLO forces north of the Litani River and displaced large numbers of residents. The United Nations Security Council called for Israeli withdrawal and established the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). Israel later withdrew from much of the area but supported a local militia in a border zone.

Fighting persisted among the PLO, Israel, the South Lebanon Army and Lebanese factions. Israeli air raids and artillery strikes targeted PLO positions, while PLO groups launched attacks into Israel. Beirut experienced renewed clashes, and Syrian forces intervened in disputes among Lebanese factions. The state remained unable to monopolize armed force.

Third phase, 1982–1984

In June 1982, Israel invaded Lebanon in Operation Peace for Galilee, initially stating that its objective was to remove the threat of attacks on northern Israel. Israeli forces advanced to Beirut and besieged PLO positions. The siege caused civilian casualties and widespread destruction. Under a U.S.-brokered agreement, PLO fighters evacuated Beirut by sea to several Arab countries.

In August 1982, parliament elected Bashir Gemayel president. He was assassinated in September before taking office. Following the assassination, Israeli forces entered west Beirut, and Phalangist militiamen massacred civilians in the Sabra and Shatila camps. An Israeli commission later found that Israeli officials bore indirect responsibility for failing to prevent the massacre and recommended that Defense Minister Ariel Sharon leave his post.

Gemayel's brother Amin became president. U.S., French and Italian forces deployed as a multinational force to help stabilize Beirut and oversee the withdrawal. The force withdrew after suicide bombings in October 1983 killed 241 American service members and 58 French paratroopers. The U.S. Embassy in Beirut was also bombed. The attacks were attributed to Iran-backed militants, including networks that later formed Hezbollah.

Israel withdrew from much of Lebanon in 1983 but retained a security zone in the south. The Lebanese army, Druze forces and other militias fought in the Chouf Mountains. The mountain war displaced civilians and ended with the collapse of government authority in several areas. Syrian pressure helped shape the May 17 Agreement between Lebanon and Israel, but the agreement was later canceled.

Fourth phase, 1984–1990

By 1984, the national government had lost control over much of the country. Militia power expanded, and Beirut was divided among armed factions. The so-called War of the Camps from 1985 to 1988 involved Amal, a Shia movement, against PLO fighters and allies in and around refugee camps. The battles caused severe civilian suffering and repeated sieges.

Hezbollah emerged as a powerful Shia organization with Iranian support and opposed Israel's presence in southern Lebanon. It also competed with Amal for influence. Sunni, Druze, Christian and other militias maintained their own territories and institutions. Kidnappings of foreign nationals became prominent, and several Western hostages were held for years.

In 1988, parliament failed to elect a successor to President Amin Gemayel. He appointed army commander Michel Aoun as interim prime minister, while the outgoing Muslim prime minister refused to leave office. Lebanon had rival governments. Aoun launched a war against Syrian forces in 1989, but the conflict was politically isolated and caused further destruction.

The Taif Agreement, negotiated in Saudi Arabia in 1989, altered the distribution of parliamentary seats and executive authority. It affirmed Lebanon's Arab identity, called for militia disarmament and provided for Syrian redeployment. Most Lebanese parliamentarians accepted the agreement. Aoun rejected it and continued fighting, while Samir Geagea's Lebanese Forces also opposed aspects of Syrian dominance.

In October 1990, Syrian forces and allied Lebanese units attacked Aoun's positions. He fled to the French embassy and later went into exile. The defeat ended the major phase of civil war and allowed the Taif settlement to be implemented under Syrian tutelage. Some militias disarmed, while Hezbollah retained its weapons under the rationale of resistance to Israeli occupation in the south.

Aftermath

The postwar order restored state institutions but left Syria with decisive influence over Lebanese politics. Syrian troops remained in Lebanon until 2005, when mass protests following the assassination of former prime minister Rafic Hariri led to their withdrawal. The Taif framework preserved confessional allocation of senior offices while adjusting representation between Christian and Muslim communities.

Many militia leaders entered government or retained political influence. A general amnesty law passed in 1991 largely shielded wartime actors from prosecution. The missing, the fate of detainees and responsibility for massacres remained unresolved. Families continued to seek information about relatives who had disappeared.

Reconstruction transformed Beirut's center, but reconstruction costs and public debt rose sharply. The city regained commercial activity, while many displaced people faced barriers to return. Regional tensions continued, particularly over Israel's presence in southern Lebanon and the role of Hezbollah. Israel withdrew from the security zone in May 2000, ending its prolonged occupation of the south.

Casualties

Estimates of deaths vary, commonly ranging from about 120,000 to 150,000. Hundreds of thousands were wounded, and many more were displaced internally or abroad. Figures are uncertain because no comprehensive register was created during the war and combatants used different methods to count casualties.

Massacres and attacks on civilians occurred throughout the conflict. In addition to Sabra and Shatila and Tel al-Zaatar, killings took place in towns and neighborhoods controlled by opposing factions. Bombings, shelling, kidnappings and assassinations killed civilians and political leaders. The full record remains incomplete.

Displacement reshaped Lebanon's demography. Families left areas that had become unsafe or were forcibly expelled. Many were unable to return because their homes were destroyed, occupied or located in areas controlled by rival groups. The war's social divisions endured long after the guns fell silent.

Lebanonization

The term “Lebanonization” entered political vocabulary as a reference to fragmentation into militia-controlled territories and prolonged civil conflict. Commentators applied it to fears that other states might experience similar breakdowns. The term reflected the perception of Lebanon as a warning, but it could oversimplify a conflict shaped by foreign intervention, political institutions and local history.

During the war, militia authorities provided services, collected taxes and controlled movement in their zones. State institutions fragmented, and residents often depended on local patrons for security and access to resources. This system weakened national citizenship and made communities vulnerable to armed leaders.

The Lebanese experience influenced debates over peacekeeping and conflict resolution. External intervention sometimes limited escalation but also strengthened particular factions. The Taif settlement ended large-scale fighting without eliminating the political structures and grievances that had produced it.

In popular culture

Lebanese writers, filmmakers and artists used fiction, memoir, photography and documentary to describe the war. Works examined memory, displacement, the fragmentation of Beirut and the difficulties of discussing violence after the amnesty. The civil war remained present in public life even when formal education and political institutions avoided a single agreed account.

Films such as West Beirut portrayed childhood and everyday life amid the conflict, while novels and documentaries explored family histories and the search for missing people. Cultural works challenged simplified accounts by showing how ordinary residents navigated shifting front lines, checkpoints and militia rule.